Issue 5

Alt-Truths and Insta-Realities: The Psychopolitics of Contemporary
Right

Issue 5

Alt-Truths and Insta-Realities: The Psychopolitics of Contemporary Right

Editor’s Note

Our slow and infrequent publishing platform of Red Thread journal presents its new issue, investigating the new-old topic of the contemporary right-wing use of media. Nowadays re-amplified and brought to the fore by the Covid-19 global emergency, the totalizing narrative of the crisis have strengthened and reaffirmed further the old problems of the lack of universality and the narrative of truth.

The autocratic states in the region of South-East Europe and Middle East – the geopolitical space where our journal arises from – have tightened their belt on freedom even more and introduced various different states of emergency. Now confined to their homes almost permanently in front of the Big Brother screens, the citizens are exposed to the high radiation of propaganda and terrorized by power games and paranoid kitsch, 24/7.

It took a global crisis to show us how little of the social state is left – how, alongside science and education, the former public health systems are systematically destroyed. Witnessing all the privatizations and cutoffs for decades we already knew that from before, but the extent of annihilation of the social services becomes brutally visible and unforgivably telling about where we stand now.

There is so much to say about how we got to where we are at this point. So many trajectories to explore and inspect, so many turns, events, updates, historical breaks to take into the account, so much of the latest development to consider. When we started to explore the collapse of (especially media) culture of the previous decade, the thread was unwoven that has led through the labyrinth of everywhere; we could follow it back to economy, technology, politics, art, education… There is not a social institution or a form of culture to remain unaffected by the seemingly unstoppable regression of everything.

By boosting the narrative about the “invisible enemy” the regimes in the region also made sure to make their “real” enemies quite visible, misusing the health crisis as a cover to launch the attack on all the activists and journalists, all the opposition, all the minorities and migrants and foreigners, on everybody not cheerleading for their permanent stay on power. The right-wing governments are especially keen to rule by decrees and attack artists and intellectuals, often identified as “elites” or “cultural Marxist”, or in the propagandistic populist rhetoric as “betrayers of the people”. Behind the scenes happens perhaps the biggest looting ever; the companies by loyal tycoons will be supported by the millions and billions of tax payer’s money, while the cuts in funds for culture qualify for the title of “genocide”.

This development is pushed aside from being discussed in the public discourse by the bizarre and never-ending media spectacle. The conspiracy theories made few more predictable turns to confirm the old checklist of enemies: surely the migrants are guilty for this disease, alongside the guest-workers who came back home from the wealthy EU countries (instead of just sending in their money and dying peacefully abroad); in the West there are claims that this virus is produced in Chinese labs to finally destroy the global supremacy of Europe and America, while in China there are theories that the virus is a biological weapon implanted by the USA military to stop the growth of China; obviously this must be the punishment from God for all these migrations and unholy mixing of people and nations. And why not add something from the standard palette of alt-right alt-truths: what is to blame are 5G networks, HAARP systems and of course the good old New Global Order.

“…but it’s never capitalism”, intervention by Zeyno Pekünlü for the project Artist in Quarantine by L’Internationale online

Finally, we also expected this one, being the old foundational trope of what is called alt-right media: all what is happening now is just a media conspiracy. There is no virus, no pandemic, and nobody is dying from the thing; this is obviously the attempt by the left-wing billionaires (who often happen to be the reptilian humanoids from outer space, or Jews) to introduce the new global regime under the auspice of a fake crisis. However obviously fantastic, such stories can produce some collective damage, but there is the sibling of this narrative which is much more dangerous: there is no crisis and everything is “as it always was”, some flu is harder than other, and sometimes the nature needs to purge a species by killing a bit more of the weak. The nations will only emerge stronger (and younger) after this. All is natural and normal.

The conspiracies are paired with selling anything possible to be sold in such a situation, and it’s a lot. Capitalism tries to use every situation for its expansion and accumulation, so you can try your luck with drinking bleach, or cow and camel urine, or a barrel of vodka, or eating cow dung or inordinate amount of expensive garlic-based products as remedy; or you could order $400 virus-protecting blessings instead, accompanied by the televangelist’s call to touch the TV screen as a means of “spiritual vaccination” by proxy (Happy Science, USA). You can also try applying cotton ball soaked in violet oil to the anus (Prophetic Medicine, Iran), or breathing the hot air from hair dryer each 15 minutes (Facebook); the Miracle Mineral Solution (MMS), a mix containing amphetamines, cocaine and nicotine, is on sale on the Dark Web for just $300. If any of this doesn’t work you could try with some panic buying of chloroquine until people who regularly need it to treat malaria stay without it, and until you obtain arrhythmia and perhaps die from it.

The totalizing reality of consumption never sleeps, so the offer is much larger for those still feeling healthy: pay attention to all the boost-your-productivity advices to maximally exploit the potential of the available time-at-home. As no one is sure to keep their job, you should manically devote yourself to developing new skills for the ever-changing labour market seeking multi-skilled personnel: enroll in all the online courses on offer. Consume content – and more content – on the significantly reduced price or for free, being only slightly interrupted by the ads for the even more attractive content on even greater discounts. Whatever you do, stay glued to your screen, and don’t worry; even your cultural needs are taken care of by all the virtual exhibitions and concerts, and more virtual programs are underway. It will be easy and effortless: #stayathome, #staysafe, #stayafraid, #stayconfused, #keeponpanicking & #keeponconsuming.

[But not everybody could afford to stay safe at home; some were forced to work while the others were forced to consume.]

Almost any text from this issue could, if read properly, be the announcement of such development and of the present state of affairs. Steve Bannon, one of the architects of this alt-reality, would almost surely be predicted to say on the infamous FOX TV News precisely what he just did: that “COVID-19 is a Communist Party virus”.

In a world where populist dictatorships came to power through electoral politics, the feeling of uneasiness and anxiety turns into a sense that the world is dislocated, that things no longer mean what they used to mean, that any concepts can now be used to refer to anything and everything. It creates the shared sense that today, to quote from one of the texts from the issue, “you can just say anything, create realities”.

Many authors who joined this Red Thread edition were exploring the general principles of contemporary right-wing propaganda for quite some time. “Propaganda demands infrastructure and narrative … [It] aims to construct reality itself”, writes Jonas Staal in his analysis of the propagandistic-artistic role of Bannon that we present in this issue. Staal reminds of the old but often forgotten fact: “In order to construct reality a particular narrative, a set of values and ideas, has to be repeated via as many channels as possible so as to generate its acceptance as the ‘new normal’. Propaganda works best when we no longer consider it propaganda, but rather the fact of life.”

A contribution by Hazal Özvarış presents an anthology of the rapid media transformation in Turkey over the previous two decades, but which, if abstracted from the particular examples, may also serve as the accurate description of what exactly happened with media systems, big and small, traditional or digital, all over the region and beyond. The changes in ownership, financing and editorial processes are mirrored in the changes of methods, technologies and content. The global decline of liberal values and democracy and the rising wave of anti-elitism matches the dwindling number of women journalists; it witnesses about the multiple instances of harassing journalists, including unemployment, social lynching and arrests, and eventually physical violence. But it also sheds light on the voice of the grassroots in the times of Gezi park resistance, revealing “another kind of journalism to counter for-profit journalism”.

About the arrests and imprisonments, we know from personal experience: our publisher and our friend Osman Kavala is in prison for more than 900 days now. We hope – we know! – that for the publishing of our next issue he will be free. This only makes our work, and everybody’s, more urgent.

Examining the contemporary propagandistic activity of the far-right, Jelena Vesić discusses the concepts of appropriation and reactionary détournement that are able to turn the original ‘claims of truth’ into their opposite. Taking as her case study the travelling exhibition of Uncensored Lies, organised in Serbia in 2016 by the now presidential press service of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), the author analyses the mechanism of passive-aggressive propaganda of pathetic dictatorship.

Through the mimicry of the language of contemporary culture of samples, remixes, copy-pastes, drags and drops and mash-ups, the exhibition claimed that the media space in Serbia is not only free and democratic, but even saturated with unjust criticism towards its well-intended government. In reality, Serbia fell further to the position 93 on the World Press Freedom Index. Constructed from the “annexed” journalistic material and the personal posts from social media taken out of context and blown out of all proportions, this bizarre display managed to flatten and negate the entire complexity of exhibition-making as a form of public address.

In their analysis of TV serials and especially Turkish telenovelas, Feyza Akınerdem & Nükhet Sirman examine how the watching subjects and their autonomous position is controlled by the televised political narratives, how the sense of atmosphere and affects reframes the viewers as voters and consumers.

The authors emphasize the term atmosphere as “a sense of the present that has not yet crystallized into a ‘structure’ or a ‘history’”. The rules here seem to be deceivingly simple: “the value of a story is the number of people who are watching it”. The structure of TV serials is not any longer one of melodrama, but of a game; it is not anymore about the struggle between good and evil, but about the neverending contest for power. “A demand for justice is abandoned for the sake of a bigger truth that assimilates the plots of injustice into a larger story of national pride that allows the mastery of power.” (We are sorry for not being able to publish the English version of the article; read more about it on the article page.)

Ana Teixeira Pinto discusses things like meme magic and shitposting as ways of turning fiction into fact: “Speculative folly is a form of currency – trust  no one, nothing is what it seems, the unbelievable alone can be believed”. She finds that “the paranoid ideation suffers not from the lack of logic but from unreality”, and occurs as a “mix of fantasies of omnipotence and perceived vulnerability” that blends into conspiratory thinking: “Conspiracy theory is poor man’s institutional critique”.

Pinto understands it as not merely a sign of mental delusion, but rather a cynical stance towards the knowledge and the very possibility of truth.

The ambivalence once again proves to be the core of this transformation: irony, or perhaps more precise sarcasm, is the emotional weapon fueling the rapid rise of far right, while on a different grounds of the previous world it served as a questioning attitude and stood for a critical stance. Pinto refers to Angela Nagel, who extensively wrote on the topic in her 2017 title Kill all Normies. The book underlines the capacity of irony to maintain political and moral ambivalence, what enables the simultaneous flirting with fascist and racist idioms and dodging any responsibility for the choices made through such actions.

Ahmet Ersoy writes about the complex machinery of capitalism that generates constant serialized stimuli and various versions of instant reality, able to penetrate deep into our psyche and to subjugate us as subjects. Using the popular example of the musical app he demonstrates “how industrialized electronic media can overwhelm independent will, regulating and homogenizing our sensory engagement with the world”. The perceptual field is transformed by the consumption-oriented machinery, while the shallow feelings of induced psychological conformism are used as the tools for mesmerizing and stimulating the masses and producing collective stupor. Such apparatus leaves no room for personal contemplation, and produces a narcotic effect, the spaceless and atemporal reality of collective hallucination instead. For Ersoy, our current situation invites for rethinking the Benjamin’s critique of the hegemonic visuality of the historical Nazi regime and its absolute aesthetization of the field od politics.

Starting this issue, we introduce the new “From the Archives” slot with the interview with Vilém Flusser that is able to resonate and open new questions today, probably even more so than when it was conducted 30 years ago. To a careful observer, even in 1988  it was clear that the then upcoming mix of technology and media will produce historical consequences, and, first of all, new subjectivities. We should have to think harder, and more, about developing the own tools to handle the current situation and produce the own future. In the words of Flusser: “Every revolution, be it political, economic, social, or aesthetic, is in the last analysis a technical revolution.” (We express our gratitude to Miklós Peternák for helping us with this historical material.)

The history lessons do not stop here. That the form of “proto-alt-right” thinking, as is the most recognizable name for the phenomena we focused the most observing media, could also be a legal approach in the settler-colonial conflict about the right to even walk the land we learn in the interview with Raja Shehadeh (thanks to Meltem Ahıska & Saygun Gökarıksel). We also learn about the concept of ‘sumud’ as a form of peaceful resistance. A method that is not without its controversies – in the words of Shehadeh, sumud “is very complicated” – it invites for endurance, for perseverance, for holding on in the situations where life itself is made difficult and almost impossible. It repeats: “I’m not going to give up. I’m going to stay put and I’m going to endure”.

Geert Lovink presents the readers with the powerful journey through the effects and affects of the particular design, the aesthetics and functionality of digital social networks of today. Some three decades after Flusser recognized the beginning of “spiritual revolution”, Lovink writes on its present character: “Social media and the psyche have fused … Social reality is a corporate hybrid between handheld media and the psychic structure of the user .” Here, the sadness is a product of specific technological induction; it is about the structure, the algorithms, the very design of the visible (the applications) and the invisible (the servers and data flow) that act like the ultimate subjectivity, hence taking any other autonomy out from/of? the equation. This merging of social media and self is so totalizing that – as Lovnik argues – “there is no single way to make everyone unhappy. Sadness will be tailored to you”. “Sad by Design” is the title chapter from Lovink’s same-titled book. If the chapter itself presents more of a diagnosis than a recipe for treatment, we encourage you to read the book. There is a way out from this, and it is (still) up to us to decide.

As any proper editorial is perhaps supposed to, we would like to end this introduction to Issue No 5 with the words coming from the texts themselves. So we leave you with this passage from “Sad by Design”:

“You may not understand a thing about the technicalities of wi-fi or algorithms, but it’s damn easy to grasp the relational stakes of the double check syndrome. ‘You obviously read it, so why didn’t you respond?’”

Editors: Vladimir Jerić Vlidi, Jelena Vesić
Issue No 5 Editorial Board:
Meltem Ahıska, Ruben Arevshatyan, Erden Kosova,
Georg Schöllhammer, Zeyno Pekünlü
Managing Editors: Aslı Çetinkaya, Mert Sarısu

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In this issue

Erden Kosova

Slow Bullet II

The relation of contemporary art in Turkey with the political has been the focal point of some recent heated debates. The political tone which characterised and shaped the art practice from the second half of the nineties forward has become difficult to be sustained, or at least problematic due to some recent structural changes in the scene.

Dušan Grlja

The Exception and State of Exception

Calling the exhibition of young Albanian artists from Prishtinë (the capital of Kosovo) "Exception" and showing it in the two biggest cities in Serbia, Belgrade and Novi Sad, may seem at first glance quite appropriate. In a highly polarized situation - that of bringing the decades' long conflict to a resolution by unilaterally declaring Kosovo as independent state or by the Serbian government's firm contention that Kosovo remains an integral part of the internationally recognized state of Serbia - organising the kind of exhibition that brings together people from Kosovo and Serbia can undoubtedly be rendered as an exception.

Jelena Vesić

Politics of Display and Troubles With National Representation in Contemporary Art

One of the main motives for this exhibition to happen maybe lies in the local interest of Belgrade's contemporary art circles in the young and vibrant Kosovo art scene, which "officially" emerged after the year 2000. Another interesting aspect is that this sudden ‘flourishing' of local contemporary art scenes in "Western Balkans" was and still is, in most of the cases, connected to the significant influx of money from the various foreign foundations.

Vladimir Jerić Vlidi

Four Acts and The Pair of Socks

The actors in this play appeared as 'icons' - they came embedded in their own images. Two of them were standing inside the gallery, one recognisable as Adem Jashari and the other as Elvis Presley, the first in his combat/tribal uniform, casually holding an automatic rifle, and the latter as represented at the time by Andy Warhol, dressed as a cowboy, pulling out a gun and aiming at whoever is looking. These two came visiting as part of the work "Face to face" by Dren Maliqi.

Jelena Vesić, Dušan Grlja, Vladimir Jerić Vlidi

Exception – The case of the exhibition of Young Kosovo Artists in Serbia

This section deals with ‘the case' of the exhibition Exception - Contemporary art scene of Prishtina and its violent (non)opening in Belgrade, happened during February of 2008. This event, overshadowed by the massive political turmoil before and after the local political leadership of Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia around the same time, in the circles of what could be described as ‘critical art and activist scene' of Belgrade gained somewhat mythical connotations.

Zeynep Gambetti

The Opposition of Power / The Power of the Opposition

Since the Enlightenment, discussion has been attributed grand normative meanings in political life. Discussion is not only the alternative to conflict, but it also ensures that the principles which make collective life possible are situated on rational grounds. Both in Kant and in Mill, discussion and debate are the sole paths that lead to public good.

Rastko Močnik

Extravagantia II: Koliko Fašizma? [Extravagantia II: How much fascism?]

There is a definite connection between oblivion and the powerlessness of today. States organise oblivion, conclude pacts with fascism, may fall prey. People remember, resist and persist. Today, there is no anti-fascist front, there are individuals who refuse to resign to the existence of fascism, who know that there may be more to life than hatred, anxiety and war, and who have the strength to demand from the state to behave differently from the way states and powers-that-be behaved half a century ago. I have written these analyses in order to make those demands successful, so that people should know how to formulate them and so be able to bring the nightmare of this century to a close.

Şükrü Argın

Shrinking Public, Politics Melting into Air and Possibilities of a Way-out

Since the late 1970s, we have been living under neo-liberal hegemony. The most obvious aspect of this globally influential hegemony is, inarguably, the constant and violent attack of the "private" on the "public." Moreover, by exploiting the existing overlap between the terms "public" and "state," or in other words, by activating available associations between the two terms, neo-liberal ideology is able to present its attacks on the "public" as if they target "state" and "state intervention."

Balca Ergener

On the Exhibition “Incidents of September 6-7 on their Fiftieth Anniversary” and the Attack on the Exhibition

On September 6-7 1955, a large-scale attack targeted Greek, Armenian and Jewish citizens of Turkey living in Istanbul. Approximately 100,000 people organized in coordinated gangs of twenty-thirty committed acts of violence in neighbourhoods and districts where Istanbul's non-Muslim population was mostly concentrated. On September 6, 2005, an exhibition titled "From the Archives of Rear Admiral Fahri Çoker: the Events of September 6-7 on their Fiftieth Anniversary" was organized at Karşı Sanat Çalışmaları in İstanbul.

Tanıl Bora

The Left, Liberalism and Cynicism

The Ergenekon trial sparked a fiery quarrel unrevealing a resentment almost equivalent to that released by the Ergenekon community, in other words, the irregular war machinery of the state, extra-judicial networks and organized crime gangs.

Siren İdemen, Ferhat Kentel, Meltem Ahıska, Fırat Genç

On Nationalism With Ferhat Kentel, Meltem Ahıska and Fırat Genç

Talking about nationalism from the comfort of an armchair is one thing, but discussing nationalism after having traversed Anatolia and conducted face-to-face interviews is quite another. Let's turn our attention to Ferhat Kentel, Fırat Genç, and Meltem Ahıska, who have conducted a seminal study titled "The Indivisible Unity of the Nation:" Nationalisms That Tear Us Apart in the Democratization Process.

Oksana Shatalova

Resistance in the Asian Way

The romantic word "resistance" is being widely and eagerly circulated in the field of contemporary art, as it encloses in its essence one of the key symbols of faith in contemporary art - its claim and volition of resisting the "natural order" of capitalism.

Vartan Jaloyan

New Political Subjects in Armenia and March 1 Events

The political and social developments in contemporary Armenia share common features with developments in other "third world" countries. However, there are differences in addition to these similarities . The Soviet industrialization in Armenia was accompanied by tendencies of concentration in demography, economy, politics and culture; 30 percent of the nation's population was concentrated in the capital.

Dušan Grlja

Antinomies of Post-Socialist Autonomy

The following essay aims to elucidate the meanings and functions of autonomy within the post-socialist framework of peripheral neo-liberal political economy of "cultural production" in the former Yugoslavia region or, as the contemporary geopolitical agenda terms it, the Western Balkans.

Brian Holmes

Ecstasy, Fear & Number: From the “Man of the Crowd” to the Myths of the Self-Organizing Multitude

What kinds of traces have been left on our personal and political lives by the long history of ecstasy and fear, of anxiety and desire, that structures the relation between the democratic individual and the urban multitude? What kind of traps and dead-ends have been built into the very fabric of the city, and indeed into human skins and psyches, in order to stanch this fear and quell this anxiety?

Red Thread Editorial Board

Issue 1 – Editor’s note

Metaphorical meaning of the expression ‘red thread’ suggests not only way out of labyrinth, but also a fragile, elastic link between different intellectual, social and artistic experimentations that share a desire for social change and the active role of culture and art in this process.